Saturday, January 31, 2009

Some Announcements

Hi folks, some events you may be interested in:

1. Forum for Palestine:


It's on Feb 5th at the Crowne Plaza Hotel, KL from 9am. Admission is RM50 at the door, all of which will be donated to helping Palestinians in Gaza. Speakers include Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Ms Cynthia McKinney, former US Congresswoman.

2. I will be doing appearances at various bookstores to sign my new book, 50 Days, Rantings by MM. If you're free do come by at any of these:

7 Feb 2009, Saturday
Popular Bookstore – Ikano Power Centre
Time: 2.00pm

21 Feb 2009, Saturday
Borders - The Curve
Time: 3.00pm

22 Feb 2009, Sunday
Borders - The Gardens
Time: 3.00pm

28 Feb 2009, Saturday
MPH - Midvalley Megamall
Time: 3.00pm


See you there, folks!

Thursday, January 29, 2009

The Wrong End of the Stick?

Scrapping Umno wings too drastic: Najib


KUALA LUMPUR: Umno has no plans to abolish its Putera and Puteri wings as suggested by the party’s disciplinary board, said Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

“The suggestion is too drastic a measure and would create a huge impact on future leadership,” he said on Thursday.

The structure for the wings has existed since the beginning and they play an important role, he added.

On Wednesday, Umno disciplinary board chairman Tan Sri Tengku Ahmad Rithauddeen suggested Umno revamp by abolishing the three main party wings (including Youth and Wanita) and Putera Umno to ensure that corruption within the party was totally eradicated.

He said the problem of money politics and vote-buying could be eradicated by making Umno a singular organisation.

“If the problem is with money politics, then it would be better for us to strengthen enforcement and our value system,” Najib said.

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Personally I agree that abolishing those wings are not going to do much about money politics. It's a bit simplistic.

But I also believe that maybe it's time to get rid of them but for a different reason. If the wings are abolished, then anyone who wants to join the party has an equal chance at going up the ranks, whether they are women, male or female youth or whatever it is Putera UMNO is supposed to represent. That way they have a better choice for leaders, regardless of sex or age. UMNO might finally catch up with the 21st century at last.


Monday, January 26, 2009

Charity, the Quranic way


I once met someone who said that Malaysians didn’t need any help and therefore she would only help those in need in poorer countries. I didn’t think that was true; certainly in my chosen field, HIV/AIDS, there are many Malaysians who need a lot of help, financially, emotionally and in kind.

Then there was an occasion for me to help a young foreigner who could not afford to have a heart operation. To my surprise, Malaysians chastised me for helping her and not someone local. (The young girl, from the very poor country of Timor Leste, was in this country to get medical help.)

It then dawned on me that I should just do what I felt was right, whenever I could, and not pay too much heed to what people said. If I listened to them, I would get confused and never get it right by anyone. Someone would always be displeased with me.

In the Quran, Allah SWT says “They ask thee what they should spend (in charity). Say: Whatever ye spend that is good, is for parents and kindred and orphans and those in want and for wayfarers. And whatever ye do that is good, -Allah knoweth it well.” (Surah Al-Baqarah, verse 215).

To me, that verse doesn’t say that those parents, kindred, orphans, those in want and wayfarers are local or foreign, Muslims or non-Muslims, Malays or non-Malays. It’s just anyone who’s poor or needy.

Nor does it say that people who are vulnerable to HIV or who have HIV must not be helped.

One of the biggest disappointments in my 15 years working in HIV was when I heard someone who is supposedly a religious authority say that we should concentrate only on prevention and simply allow people with HIV to die.

Now this shocked me terribly. Do we allow people to just die because they have a virus in their bloodstream? When there are now treatments that are safe and affordable? Wasn’t this discriminatory?

I asked this same man how we should show love towards our fellow human beings who happen to be HIV-positive. His reply was that our religion does enjoin us to visit those who are ill. BUT we should ask why they were sick in the first place.

Again this puzzled me. If someone was dying of lung cancer, do I refuse to go and visit him because he smoked?

In Surah Baqarah, verse 262, Allah SWT said “Those who spend their substance in the cause of Allah, and follow not up their gifts with reminders of their generosity or with injury, for them their reward is with their Lord: on them shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve.

Or verse 263 of the same Surah,” Kind words and compassion are better than a charity that is followed by insult. GOD is Rich, Clement.”

Which I take to mean that when someone is ill, I should not be telling them that it’s their fault that they are in that situation. I should just help them.

Those who give to charity night and day, secretly and publicly, receive their recompense from their Lord; they will have nothing to fear, nor will they grieve.” (Al-Baqarah, verse 272)

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Anas Zubedy has just written a post about how his walks in the park connect him to people.

Sunday, January 25, 2009

Gong Xi Fa Cai!


Hi folks, may I wish everyone a Year of the Ox that's happy, that's bullish on prosperity, that's less full of bull than previously ( dare we hope?) and one where we lock horns less and bellow love and respect to each other more.

I'm in Jakarta again, where Chinese New Year is called Imlek. Nobody can tell me why it's called that so if any one of you knows, do enlighten me. Anyway since Megawati Sukarno made it a public holiday in 2002, Chinese New Year here has become more like ours, with decorations in the malls and 'Gong Xi Fa Cai' banners everywhere. Today at the supermarket, the checkout clerks were wearing very funny 'Chinese' hats.

Chinese-Indonesians make up less than 3% of the Indonesian population of 238 million. But many people have some Chinese heritage though often because of the use of local names by many Chinese-Indonesians, it's hard to tell. In my husband's family, legend has it that my mother-in-law's grandfather may have been Chinese. Certainly when I was taking her for medical check-ups in KL two years ago, people who stopped by to chat were surprised to find out this tiny fairskinned lady was my ibu mertua.

Here's an opinion in the Jakarta Post on the Chinese New Year holiday.

Anyway I'm glad to have this long weekend break. Hope you are all having a restful one too.

Friday, January 23, 2009

More Updates on the Let's Read the Quran campaign

UPDATE:

Here are more posts you might find interesting: Walski on My Asylum and Madam Gold on Jottings.

ORIGINAL POST:
Folks, thanks for the support for this campaign in the past week or so since we started. We have about three more weeks to go, although we can keep going if we want to since everyone is so interested in the topic.

Yesterday Syed Akbar Ali posted a new short essay called Quran 101.

It's a brief explanation of what those numbers after any quote from the Quran mean.

Thus far we have at least 25 bloggers joining this campaign that we know of which is really fantastic. We hope more will join in and do postings related to the Quran. It doesn't have to be some deep theological post, it can be about some way that the Quran has meant something in your life. Or maybe about your favourite ayat in the Quran.

For Muslims, we need to make the Quran the centre of our lives again. To non-Muslims, we're just hoping that it will help you understand some of the issues that we Muslims grapple with in our daily lives.

Thanks, folks!

Wednesday, January 21, 2009

To My Friend in Gaza - a support and healing project


Dear folks,

Since December 27, 2008 when the Israelis started bombing Gaza, children and women have suffered the most. Over 800,000 children have been exposed to extraordinary levels of violence and insecurity, some 1,600 have been injured and more than 300 children have died. Gazan children who have survived are experiencing unimaginable trauma every day, cowering from fear and suffering from stress-related health problems such as asthma.

Even though there is now a truce, the ordeal of the children is not over. Many are still fearful, in pain and have an uncertain future because they have lost their parents and siblings.

In trying to think what I, as a mother, could do, I came up with this idea and have teamed up with UNICEF Malaysia and +wondermilk to launch To My Friend in Gaza (Untuk Kawan Ku di Gaza) today. The basic idea is to get Malaysian children to write letters/cards/postcards or make drawings for the children of Gaza to show their support, provide encouragement and let them know that they have friends here who are thinking of them and praying for their safety.

The letters will be translated into Arabic by a team of volunteers and will then be handed over to UNICEF Malaysia to be sent to UNICEF in the Occupied Territories to be then distributed among the children in Gaza. +wondermilk designed the logo which they say "is a celebration of hope, peace, love and happiness". I think it's the absolute antithesis of aggression.:-)

I believe that knowing that someone out there cares about them will help these children heal more quickly and will make them realise that there is a world out there where violence and war is not the norm and where there is hope for peace.

I've already received my first letters when the news about this project spread via email, Facebook and word-of-mouth. The first ones came from a bunch of 4 and 5-year olds from a church in PJ. Really sweet messages that say simply 'I love you, I will pray for you'. There are many parents who are asking their schools to get their students to participate so I hope there will be many many more letters that we can send over.

If you would like to help, this is what you can do:

1. Please talk to your children, their friends and their schools and ask them to participate. All letters can be sent to:

To My Friend in Gaza, c/o 48, Jalan Terasek Dua, 59100 Kuala Lumpur.

Preferably by February 20 please.

2. If you have a blog, could you kindly display the logo and link to mine so more people will know about it?

The letters can be in any language at all. I will try and scan some and put them on this blog from time to time.

Thank you so much, folks, from me and my partners in this project and most of all, from the children of Gaza.

Tuesday, January 20, 2009

How to Talk to the US President (Not for Everyone)


Israeli tail, US dog

By Gwynne Dyer

(from The Straits Times, Singapore, 20 Jan 2009, subscription only, not online only in hard copy)

MR EHUD Olmert really doesn't care any more. He is serving out his time as
Israel's prime minister until next month's election, but then he will spend
a long time fighting the corruption charges that forced him to resign, and
he won't be going back to politics afterwards even if he wins. Not after two
bloody, futile wars in three years, he won't. So he's very angry, and he
tells it like it is.

On Jan 8, he had a problem. United States Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice was going to vote for a United Nations Security Council resolution that
called on both Israel and its Palestinian enemy, Hamas, to accept a
ceasefire in the Gaza Strip. Indeed, she had been largely responsible for
writing it, and Mr Olmert was furious. He wanted more time to hammer Hamas, so he phoned up Mr George W. Bush and yanked on his choke-chain.

According to Mr Olmert's account of what happened, given in a speech on Jan
13: 'I said, 'Get me President Bush on the phone'. They said he was in the
middle of giving a speech in Philadelphia. I said, 'I don't care: I have to
talk to him now'. They got him off the podium, brought him to another room,
and I spoke to him.'

'I told him, 'You can't vote in favour of this resolution.' He said,
'Listen, I don't know about it. I didn't see it. I'm not familiar with the
phrasing'.' So Prime Minister Olmert told President Bush: 'I'm familiar with it. You can't vote in favour."

Mr Bush did as he was told: 'Mr Bush gave an order to Dr Rice and she did
not vote in favour of it - a resolution she cooked up, phrased, organised,
and manoeuvred for,' said Mr Olmert triumphantly. 'She was left pretty
shamed, and abstained on a resolution she arranged.' The Security Council passed the resolution 14-0, but the US, its principal author, abstained.

Senior Israeli politicians are usually much more circumspect about the
nature of their relationship with the occupants of the White House, and Mr
Olmert's colleagues were appalled that his anger had led him to speak so
plainly. It is one thing to talk to the President of the United States that
way. It is quite another thing to reveal to the American public that Israeli
leaders talk to US presidents in that tone of voice.

The Bush administration, deeply embarrassed, tried to deny Mr Olmert's
account of the conversation. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said
that the story was 'just 100 per cent, totally, completely not true', and
White House deputy press secretary Tony Fratto said more cautiously that
'there are inaccuracies' in Mr Olmert's account of events. Mr Olmert's office replied curtly that 'the Prime Minister's comments on Monday were a correct account of what took place'. He really doesn't give a damn any more.

There is little reason to doubt Mr Olmert's story: He may be extremely
cross, but why would he make it up? After all, he did get his way. And there
is every reason to doubt the Bush administration's denials. Not only does the story humiliate Mr Bush personally, but it gives wings to the suspicion, already widespread in the US, that under Mr Bush, the Israeli tail has consistently wagged the American dog.

Merely to mention this issue is still to court accusations of anti-Semitism,
but the fear of such accusations that once silenced any serious examination
of Israeli influence on American foreign policy has dwindled in the past few
years. Indeed, Mr Olmert's little indiscretion has opened up a wider
question: is it normal for Israeli leaders to speak to American presidents
like this?

There can be little doubt that Mr Ariel Sharon, Mr Olmert's predecessor,
also spoke to Mr Bush in a bullying way, because he bullied everybody. Did
Mr Binyamin Netanyahu give orders to Mr Bill Clinton? Probably not, because
silken menace is more his style, but he certainly got his way almost all of
the time. Did the Mr Yitzhak Shamir talk to Mr George H.W. Bush that way? He
wouldn't have dreamt of it, and the senior Bush would never have stood for
it.

These discussions usually end up being about the alleged power of the 'Jewish lobby' over US foreign policy, and in Congress it is obviously huge. The vast majority of the members of Congress will always vote for Bills that involve aid or support for Israel, in many cases because they know what will happen at the next election to those who don't. But the key foreign policy
decisions are made in the White House, not in Congress, and the presidency
is different.

At the top, it really depends on who the president is. President Ronald
Reagan always gave Israel everything it wanted, whereas Bush senior forced
Mr Shamir to start talking to the Palestinians after the first Gulf War and
paved the way for the Oslo accords and the 'peace process'. The US is still
a sovereign country, and it can choose its own Middle East policy if it
wishes.

Which way will it go under the new administration that takes office today?
Well, can you imagine Mr Barack Obama letting an Israeli prime minister talk
to him like that?

The writer is a London-based independent journalist.

Sunday, January 18, 2009

How I Grew Up Reading the Quran

When I was about 12, I completed reading the Quran. For years I had had Quran classes at home along with my siblings. Our ustazah was a Cikgu Azizah who would come a couple of times a week after school to teach us to read the Arabic alphabet and script that the Quran comes in, step by step from early lessons in phonetics ( “ah, ee, oo, ba, bee ,boo, ta, tee too”) to the Muqqadam, short extracts from the Quran to familiarize children, to finally the Quran itself.

Ustazah was a nice lady with a lovely voice, who, as was common in those days, did not wear a tudung though she covered her head, as we did, during lessons. She was a strict but patient teacher. Sometimes we were naughty and tried to avoid her class. We would hide around the house and sometimes we hid so well that nobody could find us to drag us off to our lessons.

But overall we got through our Quran and in 1969 (if I recall correctly), my mother had a khatam Quran ceremony for me. This is a celebration when a girl finishes reading the entire Quran and is probably the first time a young Muslim girl becomes the centre of attention. Rather like a confirmation ceremony for Christians or a Bat Mitzvah for Jews.

I was so excited about having the khatam Quran that instead of waiting to read my Quran whenever Ustazah came, I raced through it myself in my spare time. It was all about finishing it quickly so that I could have my big day.

And my big day was no disappointment. Mum made me a long white dress that I wore with a tiara and a veil, rather like a bride. My two best friends were my pengapit and all Mum’s friends and our female relatives were invited. The only thing I was nervous about was that I had to read the Quran out loud in front of everyone.

Now I didn’t have the best of voices (I still don’t) nor was I that good at ‘singing’ the Quran. We don’t read the Quran like any other book. There is a technique to reading it that is quite musical. To do it properly, we must know how to pronounce the words correctly, which syllables are to be elongated and which are to be almost merged with the next syllable. No matter what I did, I still came off sounding flat. So I had reason to be nervous; what if people started tittering at my awful reading?

But God had other plans for me. The day came and I caught a cold! Not a very bad one but enough to ensure that, because of my runny nose, my voice turned completely nasal and I became tone deaf. There was no way I could croak the Quran in public without sending everyone running for the hills.

The show however had to go on. My Ustazah rescued me. She sat by my side and on the pretext of guiding me along, pretty much provided the soundtrack to which I mimed my way. My pengapits valiantly fanned me while I did my duty and our guests politely listened, beaming approvingly. Some did wonder if I was overcome by emotion during the ceremony since I kept blowing my nose into the tissue in my hand throughout.

As imperfect as it was, my khatam Quran was a memorable occasion. In time, I had my own daughter and just like other Muslim parents, I sent her off to Quran classes. She plodded along slowly just as I did and as she progressed I began to dream of a khatam Quran ceremony for her too.

I dreamt of the pretty dress I would make her, who I would invite and how I would decorate my home for the occasion. It began to feel almost like I was planning a wedding. But I thought of it as a milestone in her life, as memorable as mine had been.

As that dream took hold, I began to apply pressure on her to finish quickly. But my daughter had many things on her plate, what with school and other extra-curricular activities. There was no real deadline to finish her Quran classes except for my impatience to organise the khatam Quran for her.

The more impatient I got, the more insistent I became for her to hurry and finish up. Typically of a young child, she resisted. With her already full schedule, she was not going to do what I did, finish the Quran in her spare time. What’s more, she was not in the least bit motivated by the idea of dressing up and having to read the Quran in front of other adults.

Faced with this intransigence, I began to assess my own motivations. Was I so enthusiastic about her finishing reading the Quran just because I wanted to have the khatam Quran of my dreams? Did I have the right motivations when all I could think about was what she would wear (and what I would wear) and what décor to have? Why was I really making my child go through this? Is it about me or about her?

After much thought I decided that the khatam Quran was not the most important thing to have for her. Yes, I wanted her to complete reading the Quran but more importantly I wanted her to understand it. As proud as I was of having completed reading it, I could not in all honesty say I understood much of it. I knew some verses by heart but I didn’t really know what they meant. I began to wonder what was more important, to simply read the Quran or to understand it.

Finally I decided that I would stop pressuring my daughter to finish the Quran just to say she had done it. It became more important to me, especially in these challenging times, that she understood what the Quran said. And that she would do so willingly.

Time went by and my daughter grew up. She did not complete the entire Quran. But I prayed for the day when she would be moved, on her own, to read it again.

God was kind to me. My daughter grew up to be a young woman, aware of what was happening around her and curious about why things were the way they were. And as religion played an increasingly bigger part in the environment around her, she began to be interested in the issues related to it. And one day she told me that she had started reading the Quran. Because she wanted to know what it says.

Now there may be people who say that reading the translation of the Quran is not the same as reading The Quran. But for me, I thank God for opening my daughter’s heart to reading it on her own in a language she understands, for all the right reasons. Not because she wants to get dressed up and be the centre of attention. But because she wanted to know what the Quran says about many things that she doesn’t understand around her.

As her mother, I can only say syukur Alhamdullilah (thanks to God).

“In this way God makes clear unto you His messages, so that you might [learn to] use your reason.” (2:242)

Saturday, January 17, 2009

Update on Let's Read the Quran Campaign

Dear folks, thanks for the (mostly) warm response to this campaign. My fellow bloggers and I will be writing something in conjunction with the campaign from time to time. Do read Syed Akbar's post on the Dutch parliamentarian Geert Wilders and the Quran here, and Anas Zubedy's story about his Jid (grandfather) who taught him the Quran when he was little.

Meanwhile, for those who are interested in finding out more about the Quran, I really recommend the website Al-tafsir.com. It is a completely-free non-profit website providing access to the greatest collection of Quranic commentary (tafsir or tafseer), translation, recitation and essential resources in the world. Begun in 2001 by the Royal Aal Al-Bayt Institute of Islamic Thought in Jordan, this website is now fully operational in Arabic and English and and provides the original Arabic texts of 110 or more books of Qur’anic Commentary, Interpretation and Explanation (tafsir or tafseer), recitation (tajwid) tutorials and hadith collections, and other fields, pertaining to the study of Qur’anic exegesis. Translations of the meanings of the Qur’an are currently available in 25 different languages (including Hindi, Greek, Chinese and Korean, besides English), and in several cases more than one translation is available. There is also a search facility so that you can search by topic.

Friday, January 16, 2009

Come and Lend Your Support this Sunday!

COMPLETE - COALITION OF MALAYSIAN NGOS AGAINST PERSECUTION OF PALESTINIANS

'SAVE THE PALESTINIANS' CAMPAIGN

SUNDAY, 18TH JANUARY, 2009, Bangsar Sports Complex, Jalan Terasek Tiga, Bangsar.

PROGRAMME

10.00 am MY LIFE IN GAZA & MY LIFE AS A REFUGEE

by Dr. Abdraheem and Dr. Maan (Palestinians currently in Kuala Lumpur)

10.30 am WHAT ABOUT THE CHILDREN? PALESTINE MEDICAL RELIEF

by Dr. Musa Mohd Nordin, President, FIMA

10.45 am THE PALESTINIAN TRAGEDY AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR A JUST WORLD

by Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President, JUST

11.15 am ADDRESS BY CHAIRMAN OF COMPLETE EN. MOHD ADNAN TAHIR

11.30 am Y.A.B. TUN DR. MAHATHIR MOHAMAD

12.30 pm OFFICIAL LAUNCH AND START OF KLANG VALLEY UNDER SIEGE

Performances by Khalifah Model School and Tree Theatre Group

1.30 pm PALESTINE FROM THE ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVE

by Dr. Hafidzi, M Noor, Director PACE

2.00 pm A CHRISTIAN RESPONSE TO THE PALESTINIAN TRAGEDY

Mr. Goh Keat Peng, Executive Secretary, MCCBCHST (Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism & Taoism)

2.30 pm PALESTINIANS: WORLD'S LARGEST REFUGEE ISSUE

by Lia Syed, Executive Director, MSRI

3.00 pm HAMAS: TERRORISTS OR FREEDOM FIGHTERS?

Professor Nazari Ismail, University Malaya

3.30 pm HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GENDER DIMENSION IN THE STRUGGLE OF THE PALESTINIANS

by Dr. Irene Fernandez, TENAGANITA

4.00 pm PERSONAL ACCOUNTS OF LIFE IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES

by Palestinians from the West Bank currently living in Kuala Lumpur (to be confirmed)

4.30pm SLIDE PRESENTATION

Come and learn about the issue and lend your support to the people of Gaza.

Me on PopTeeVee!

Hi folks, I finally made it onto PopTeeVee's The Fairly Current Show!




Thanks Mark and Fahmi!

Wednesday, January 14, 2009

Let's Read the Quran!




Peace!

We need your participation!

Campaign name: Let’s Read The Quran


On January 1st 2009, four friends Syed, Walski, Marina and Anas got together at Coffee-Bean Bangsar Village and decided to launch a campaign to encourage people to read and understand the Quran better.

This campaign is not only for Muslims, but also for our brothers and sisters who are Christians, Buddhists Hindus, Sikhs and those who believe in a God-Head but not so gung-ho about being in any brand of religion, too – come join us and share your ideas! You can join this campaign even if you are an atheist!

The goal of this campaign is to encourage people to read the Quran in the language they understand most and find in it areas of common values in our day-to-day living.

What is the Campaign all about?

Read the Quran in the language that you are familiar with.

When will the campaign start and end?

January 15th to February 14th (Happy Valentine’s Day!)

Where?

Participating blogs in the blogosphere.

Why?

So more people know what the Quran says and what the Quran does not say and to match it to what is really said in our daily lives.

Who?

Everyone who wants to – the more the merrier! If you have a Blog, Facebook, etc carry the logo/icon.

How?

- To join the campaign, place the accompanying logo/icon at your blog.
- Write or share short articles based on the Quranic text.
- Share what you find in the Quran with family and friends.
- Ask questions about the Quranic message
- Read the Quran – eg click here http://www.islamicity.com/QuranSearch or www.altafsir.com

Peace and Thanks,

Marina Mahathir, Rantings by MM, http://www.rantingsbymm.blogspot.com
Syed Akbar Ali, OutSyed the Box, http://www.syedsoutsidethebox.blogspot.com
Walski, myAsylum, http://www.asylum60.blogspot.com
and,
Anas Zubedy , http://www.letusaddvalue.blogspot.com

Participating Blogs

1. 3540 Jalan Sudin http://www.nursamad.blogspot.com/
2. ARTiculations: http://art-harun.blogspot.com/
3. Being Human in the World: http://www.peru.name/writing
4. Cowboy Malaysia: http://cowboymalaysia.wordpress.com
5. Disquiet: http://malikimtiaz.blogspot.com
6. Jebat Must Die: http://jebatmustdie.wordpress.com/
7. Lunch at the Lake Club: http://lunchatthelakeclub.blogspot.com
8. MACVAYSIA: http://macvaysia.com
9. O.B.E. http://shar101.wordpress.com/
10. Poetic Justice: http://nizambashir.com/
11. Rapera: http://jahaberdeen.blogspot.com/
12. Renovatio: http://stephendoss.blogspot.com
13. Rocky's Bru: http://rockybru.com.my/
14. Write Away: http://elviza.wordpress.com/
15. Writing By Amir: http://amirmu.blogspot.com/

A Jew for Human Rights in Palestine


Championing global human rights: interview with Richard Falk
Victor Kattan, The Electronic Intifada, 24 December 2008



Earlier this month, Israeli authorities deported Professor Richard Falk, United Nations Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, who had arrived in the country to conduct his duties to investigate rights abuses in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. The Electronic Intifada contributor Victor Kattan interviewed Falk about the motivation behind his deportation, comparisons he has made between Israel's treatment of the Palestinians and Nazi crimes committed during World War II, his dual role as an academic and a human rights advocate, and how defenders of Israel deflect attention from what is happening on the ground by attacking critics of the state's policies.

Richard Falk is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of International Law and Practice, Emeritus, Princeton University and a member of the New York Bar. He is currently Visiting Distinguished Professor of Global and International Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. He has, since March 2008, been the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Falk is the author of over 20 books on international law and served on the MacBride Commission of Inquiry to investigate the atrocities in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in Beirut in 1982, as well as a UN Commission of Inquiry to investigate human rights violations at the onset of the second Palestinian intifada in September 2001. His latest book Achieving Human Rights was published by Routledge in October 2008.

Victor Kattan: You were recently deported by the government of Israel when you landed at Ben-Gurion airport in your role as UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights even though the two assistants traveling with you had been given visas to enter the country, and despite the fact that Israel's foreign ministry had advance notification of your travel itinerary, which included a meeting with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Why do you think you were detained for 20 hours and then deported?

Richard Falk: Of course I can only speculate on the Israeli motivations. The representative of the Ministry of Interior at the airport insisted that she was merely implementing an instruction from the foreign ministry to deny me entry. Yet, this fails to explain why there was no effort to inform the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in advance of the visit. My best guess is that Israel was eager to teach me a lesson for my prior outspoken criticism, and more importantly, to send the UN a message that Israel was not willing to cooperate with a UN representative who was unacceptable to the government. Of course, the real significance of my experience involves asserting the authority of a member state to claim authority to determine who can represent the UN in evaluating contested behavior. If Israel succeeds it would be an unfortunate precedent, and for this reason I will resist the temptation to resign, and will work hard to be an effective Special Rapporteur despite my unfortunate inability to visit the Palestinian territories under occupation.

VK: In June 2007, you wrote an article entitled "Slouching Towards a Palestinian Holocaust." In the article, you posed the following question: "Is it an irresponsible overstatement to associate the treatment of Palestinians with [the] criminalized Nazi record of collective atrocity?" You answered by saying:

"I think not. The recent developments in Gaza are especially disturbing because they express so vividly a deliberate intention on the part of Israel and its allies to subject an entire human community to life-endangering conditions of utmost cruelty. The suggestion that this pattern of conduct is a holocaust-in-the-making represents a rather desperate appeal to the governments of the world and to international public opinion to act urgently to prevent these current genocidal tendencies from culminating in a collective tragedy. If ever the ethos of 'a responsibility to protect,' recently adopted by the UN Security Council as the basis of 'humanitarian intervention' is applicable, it would be to act now to start protecting the people of Gaza from further pain and suffering."

Do you regret writing these words? If not, why not?

RF: This is a complicated question for me. I wrote those quoted words before I was appointed as Special Rapporteur, as an engaged citizen deeply concerned because the desperate plight of the 1.5 million Palestinians in Gaza was being ignored in international circles. I felt at the time that it was both an unfolding humanitarian catastrophe, and that it could at any moment morph into a tragedy of massive proportions resulting from famine and disease. In retrospect, I think it was unfortunate to link explicitly these concerns, which remain as acute as before, with the historical experience of Jews in the Holocaust. Pragmatically, it played into the hands of apologists for the Israeli occupation tactics by shifting the debate from the Palestinian ordeal to the inflammatory implications of the linkage to the events of the Nazi era. This is consistent with a wider Israeli pattern of shifting debate from the realities of the occupation to the alleged bias of those who are reporting on these realities. I insist that the test of bias should be based on the truth or falsity of what is observed, and that is a debate I would welcome. On the level of principle I also regret my connecting the Gaza situation with the Nazi memories as it is hurtful to many people, and facilitates distraction from my objective of calling attention to the situation in Gaza. I have tried to avoid using this kind of rhetoric in my subsequent observations on the Palestinian reality, but I would stress that the underlying condition of massive collective punishment of the entire Palestinian civilian population is an ongoing reality that is both immoral and unlawful.

VK: Some international lawyers consider academic scholarship and human rights advocacy to be mutually incompatible: they say one cannot be a serious scholar and an activist. As an eminent American international lawyer with a long and distinguished track record of academic scholarship and human rights advocacy for almost half a century, which has included, among other things, opposition to the Vietnam war, apartheid in Southern Africa, the nuclear weapons industry, Israel's invasion of Lebanon and its military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, as well as NATO's intervention in Kosovo, and the invasion of Iraq in 2003, do you think that international lawyers should speak out more often? Is it possible to be a serious scholar of international law and a human rights activist?

RF: This is an important question that I have pondered throughout my career. As mentioned earlier, the true test of either scholarship and advocacy is truthfulness and accuracy, and I have always endeavored to be objective in this fundamental sense. I believe we all have multiple identities, and that it is perfectly consistent to be a scholar writing and speaking for academic audiences and an engaged citizen doing the same for the general public. In some respects, it is a matter of translating one form of communication to the other. I believe it is an important contribution to the vitality of democratic society to have the benefit of the views of academic specialists. At the same time I believe that in a classroom it is essential for a professor to be receptive to viewpoints that contradict his or her own, and I have always tried to do this. I have jokingly pointed out that among my Princeton students were Richard Perle and David Petraeus, which proves that I do not indoctrinate my students, but happily I think, they didn't manage to convert me to their viewpoints either. What counts in the end is a belief in the importance of informed deliberation on the important policy issues of the day whether dealing with students, with scholars, or with the citizenry.

VK: John Dugard, your predecessor as UN Special Rapporteur compared the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories with Apartheid. You served on the legal team in the South-West Africa (Namibia) cases for Ethiopia before the International Court of Justice in the 1960s. Although the court in a controversial decision ruled that Ethiopia and Liberia did not have "any legal right or interest appertaining to them" as regards the illegality of South Africa's occupation of Namibia do you see any similarities between Pretoria's policy of Grand Apartheid in southern Africa and what is happening in the Palestinian territories today? If so, what lessons can the Palestinians learn from the anti-Apartheid movement in highlighting the injustices of Israel's four decade's long occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza? Is there a role for international law?

RF: Yes, my background includes a rather intimate set of encounters with the realities of South African Apartheid. Not long after my role in the World Court case I went to South Africa in 1968 as an official observer on behalf of the International Commission of Jurists of a major political trial held in Pretoria. While in the country for several weeks I had the opportunity to visit (unlawfully) the dismal African townships, coincidentally in the company of John Dugard. It helped me appreciate some aspects of extreme political realities that are relevant to an understanding of the Palestinian struggle. I was struck at the time by the sincere failure of "decent" white South Africans to realize the misery and humiliation of the apartheid system although it was part of their immediate surrounding. The politics of denial meant that an outsider like myself could "see" this reality more clearly than could many insiders. It reminds me of a saying of Israeli peace activists: "The West Bank is further from Israel than Thailand." In my experience, Gaza is even further away. I have been hesitant to draw the analogy between Apartheid South Africa and the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories because I did not want a second controversy about my provocative language. At the same time there are some instructive aspects of the successful South African struggle that might be relevant for the Palestinians.

First, it is a crucial domain of struggle to establish the unlawful, and even criminal, nature of the prevailing set of arrangements, and thereby wage a battle for the hearts and minds of the peoples of the world. The US and Europe are particularly vital arenas in this struggle. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague can be helpful in establishing the legitimacy of claims for change. It is helpful to recall that on four occasions the ICJ was called upon to pronounce upon South African Apartheid, and although these judicial events did not achieve immediate results, they contributed to the discrediting of the Apartheid regime.

Secondly, the site of struggle is outside as well as inside, and the possibilities of gaining the upper hand in relation to the legitimacy of demands is likely to be determined outside of the West Bank and Gaza, with the most important battlegrounds being pre-1967 Israel and the US.

Thirdly, do not assess prospects of a successful outcome for the oppressed side by the current apparent relation of forces. An oppressive order is likely to appear all-powerful until it is on the verge of collapse. It is important to continue the struggle despite frustrations and disappointment based on an ultimate faith in the triumph of justice.

VK: Many international lawyers are afraid to openly criticize the government of Israel for its human rights violations because they believe it will affect their future job prospects through fear of being labeled anti-Semitic or a "self-hating Jew." As an American Jew, what has given you the strength to stand by your convictions for so many years despite the attacks upon your character? Do you have any regrets? And if you could go back in time, would you do it all again? What advice would you give to others subjected to similar attacks upon their character?

RF: It is an unfortunate aspect of this debate about Israeli policy toward the Palestinians that smear tactics have been used. I have been increasingly the target of such attacks, which I console myself into believing, is a sign of a certain influence and effectiveness. Alan Dershowitz, the notorious Harvard law professor, has written a defamatory journalistic piece on my recent travails, that begins by comparing me to David Duke of Ku Klux Klan fame and [Iranian president Mahmoud] Ahmedinejad, suggesting that I am a comparable hate-monger. Such irresponsible hostility is an unpleasant part of my controversial role and outspoken views, and unfortunately is given undue weight by a media culture that often treats anger and vicious character attacks as more convincing, and certainly more newsworthy than evidence and reasoning. Yet I have no regrets. My integrity and self-esteem are intimately tied to my lifelong identification with the oppressed, and my belief that if humanity is to flourish in the future it is essential for the strong to respect the global rule of law as much as the weak. At present, we have a global law that does not treat equals equally; the weak are held accountable, while the strong enjoy impunity. This represents law without justice, inviting charges of hypocrisy and double standards. My work as a scholar and engaged citizen has been dedicated to advancing the cause of global justice based on a legal order that learns to treat equals equally whether states or individuals.

As far as being a Jew is concerned, it informs my identity. I believe this commitment to justice is best articulated by the Old Testament prophets, and is the most timeless contribution of the Jewish tradition to human understanding and ethical practice. I had the privilege as an undergraduate of studying Martin Buber, the great Jewish philosopher, and hearing him deliver a series of lectures at Haverford College. His message stayed with me and reverberates to this day. Against this background I can hardly comprehend the accusations of "self-hating Jew" or of somehow being "anti-Semitic." I respond to such attacks on my credibility by pointing out that I never feel anti-American when I criticize the foreign policy of the US government. It is an unfortunate tactic of many Zionists to treat any criticism of the state of Israel or its policies as tantamount to anti-Semitism. In my view, this is a profoundly anti-democratic attitude that tries to turn the "citizen" into a "subject." I believe that the test of good citizenship is conscience not obedience. For these various reasons, I have no regrets, and although it might not have been prudent from a careerist perspective, I would do it all over again without the slightest hesitation. In essence, I could do no other!

Victor Kattan is a tutor at the Centre for International Studies and Diplomacy at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London where he teaches international law to postgraduate students. His book From Coexistence to Conquest: International Law and the Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict 1891-1949 will be published by Pluto Books in June 2009. Victor is the editor of The Palestine Question in International Law which was published by British Institute of International and Comparative Law in May 2008 and which features a collection of articles by leading scholars of international law on the Israel-Palestine conflict.


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A War Correspondent Speaks

Robert Fisk: Why Do They Hate the West So Much, We Will Ask
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fisk-why-do-they-hate-the-west-so-much-we-will-ask-1230046.html

(Robert Fisk is a distinguished journalist and Middle East correspondent for The Independent newspaper in London. He is well known for his incisive coverage on Middle East politics and particularly on the Iraq War and Palestine.)

Wednesday, 7 January 2009

A child injured in the Israeli bombardment of a UN school yesterday is taken to Shifa hospital in Gaza City

AP

A child injured in the Israeli bombardment of a UN school yesterday is taken to Shifa hospital in Gaza City

    Tuesday, January 13, 2009

    Why We Can't Sit on the Fence

    There seems to be much confusion about what the whole Palestine/Gaza issue is all about and especially what to do about it.

    For a very erudite perspective on the issue, read Farish Noor's five-part take on Gaza and the Liberal Conscience:

    Part I: Why We Cannot be Confused by History

    Part II: The Question of Parity

    Part III: The Realities of Colonialism

    Part IV: The Power of Boycotts

    Part V: The Lessons for Malaysia

    If the naysayers, doubters and fence-sitters can point us to equally well-argued articles to defend their points, please send them to me.

    Sunday, January 11, 2009

    Editorial by a Ghost


    My friends in Sri Lanka sent me this. I never thought I would be moved by a newspaper editorial but this is one of the most courageous pieces of writing I have ever read. Lasantha Wickramatunga was the editor of The Sunday Leader in Sri Lanka. On January 8, he was shot dead by two gunmen on a motorcycle. This editorial, which he apparently wrote knowing his days were numbered, was published today:

    "And they came for me" - Lasantha Editorial

    Sunday, January 11, 2009


    Lasantha Wikramatunga

    No other profession calls on its practitioners to lay down their lives for their art save the armed forces and, in Sri Lanka, journalism. In the course of the past few years, the independent media have increasingly come under attack. Electronic and print-media institutions have been burnt, bombed, sealed and coerced. Countless journalists have been harassed, threatened and killed. It has been my honour to belong to all those categories and now especially the last.

    I have been in the business of journalism a good long time. Indeed, 2009 will be The Sunday Leader's 15th year. Many things have changed in Sri Lanka during that time, and it does not need me to tell you that the greater part of that change has been for the worse. We find ourselves in the midst of a civil war ruthlessly prosecuted by protagonists whose bloodlust knows no bounds. Terror, whether perpetrated by terrorists or the state, has become the order of the day. Indeed, murder has become the primary tool whereby the state seeks to control the organs of liberty. Today it is the journalists, tomorrow it will be the judges. For neither group have the risks ever been higher or the stakes lower.

    Why then do we do it? I often wonder that. After all, I too am a husband, and the father of three wonderful children. I too have responsibilities and obligations that transcend my profession, be it the law or journalism. Is it worth the risk? Many people tell me it is not. Friends tell me to revert to the bar, and goodness knows it offers a better and safer livelihood. Others, including political leaders on both sides, have at various times sought to induce me to take to politics, going so far as to offer me ministries of my choice. Diplomats, recognising the risk journalists face in Sri Lanka, have offered me safe passage and the right of residence in their countries. Whatever else I may have been stuck for, I have not been stuck for choice.

    But there is a calling that is yet above high office, fame, lucre and security. It is the call of conscience.

    The Sunday Leader has been a controversial newspaper because we say it like we see it: whether it be a spade, a thief or a murderer, we call it by that name. We do not hide behind euphemism. The investigative articles we print are supported by documentary evidence thanks to the public-spiritedness of citizens who at great risk to themselves pass on this material to us. We have exposed scandal after scandal, and never once in these 15 years has anyone proved us wrong or successfully prosecuted us.

    The free media serve as a mirror in which the public can see itself sans mascara and styling gel. From us you learn the state of your nation, and especially its management by the people you elected to give your children a better future. Sometimes the image you see in that mirror is not a pleasant one. But while you may grumble in the privacy of your armchair, the journalists who hold the mirror up to you do so publicly and at great risk to themselves. That is our calling, and we do not shirk it.

    Every newspaper has its angle, and we do not hide the fact that we have ours. Our commitment is to see Sri Lanka as a transparent, secular, liberal democracy. Think about those words, for they each has profound meaning. Transparent because government must be openly accountable to the people and never abuse their trust. Secular because in a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society such as ours, secularism offers the only common ground by which we might all be united. Liberal because we recognise that all human beings are created different, and we need to accept others for what they are and not what we would like them to be. And democratic... well, if you need me to explain why that is important, you'd best stop buying this paper.
    The Sunday Leader has never sought safety by unquestioningly articulating the majority view. Let's face it, that is the way to sell newspapers. On the contrary, as our opinion pieces over the years amply demonstrate, we often voice ideas that many people find distasteful. For example, we have consistently espoused the view that while separatist terrorism must be eradicated, it is more important to address the root causes of terrorism, and urged government to view Sri Lanka's ethnic strife in the context of history and not through the telescope of terrorism. We have also agitated against state terrorism in the so-called war against terror, and made no secret of our horror that Sri Lanka is the only country in the world routinely to bomb its own citizens. For these views we have been labelled traitors, and if this be treachery, we wear that label proudly.

    Many people suspect that The Sunday Leader has a political agenda: it does not. If we appear more critical of the government than of the opposition it is only because we believe that - pray excuse cricketing argot - there is no point in bowling to the fielding side. Remember that for the few years of our existence in which the UNP was in office, we proved to be the biggest thorn in its flesh, exposing excess and corruption wherever it occurred. Indeed, the steady stream of embarrassing expos‚s we published may well have served to precipitate the downfall of that government.

    Neither should our distaste for the war be interpreted to mean that we support the Tigers. The LTTE are among the most ruthless and bloodthirsty organisations ever to have infested the planet. There is no gainsaying that it must be eradicated. But to do so by violating the rights of Tamil citizens, bombing and shooting them mercilessly, is not only wrong but shames the Sinhalese, whose claim to be custodians of the dhamma is forever called into question by this savagery, much of which is unknown to the public because of censorship.

    What is more, a military occupation of the country's north and east will require the Tamil people of those regions to live eternally as second-class citizens, deprived of all self respect. Do not imagine that you can placate them by showering "development" and "reconstruction" on them in the post-war era. The wounds of war will scar them forever, and you will also have an even more bitter and hateful Diaspora to contend with. A problem amenable to a political solution will thus become a festering wound that will yield strife for all eternity. If I seem angry and frustrated, it is only because most of my countrymen - and all of the government - cannot see this writing so plainly on the wall.

    It is well known that I was on two occasions brutally assaulted, while on another my house was sprayed with machine-gun fire. Despite the government's sanctimonious assurances, there was never a serious police inquiry into the perpetrators of these attacks, and the attackers were never apprehended. In all these cases, I have reason to believe the attacks were inspired by the government. When finally I am killed, it will be the government that kills me.
    The irony in this is that, unknown to most of the public, Mahinda and I have been friends for more than a quarter century. Indeed, I suspect that I am one of the few people remaining who routinely addresses him by his first name and uses the familiar Sinhala address oya when talking to him. Although I do not attend the meetings he periodically holds for newspaper editors, hardly a month passes when we do not meet, privately or with a few close friends present, late at night at President's House. There we swap yarns, discuss politics and joke about the good old days. A few remarks to him would therefore be in order here.

    Mahinda, when you finally fought your way to the SLFP presidential nomination in 2005, nowhere were you welcomed more warmly than in this column. Indeed, we broke with a decade of tradition by referring to you throughout by your first name. So well known were your commitments to human rights and liberal values that we ushered you in like a breath of fresh air. Then, through an act of folly, you got yourself involved in the Helping Hambantota scandal. It was after a lot of soul-searching that we broke the story, at the same time urging you to return the money. By the time you did so several weeks later, a great blow had been struck to your reputation. It is one you are still trying to live down.

    You have told me yourself that you were not greedy for the presidency. You did not have to hanker after it: it fell into your lap. You have told me that your sons are your greatest joy, and that you love spending time with them, leaving your brothers to operate the machinery of state. Now, it is clear to all who will see that that machinery has operated so well that my sons and daughter do not themselves have a father.

    In the wake of my death I know you will make all the usual sanctimonious noises and call upon the police to hold a swift and thorough inquiry. But like all the inquiries you have ordered in the past, nothing will come of this one, too. For truth be told, we both know who will be behind my death, but dare not call his name. Not just my life, but yours too, depends on it.

    Sadly, for all the dreams you had for our country in your younger days, in just three years you have reduced it to rubble. In the name of patriotism you have trampled on human rights, nurtured unbridled corruption and squandered public money like no other President before you. Indeed, your conduct has been like a small child suddenly let loose in a toyshop. That analogy is perhaps inapt because no child could have caused so much blood to be spilled on this land as you have, or trampled on the rights of its citizens as you do. Although you are now so drunk with power that you cannot see it, you will come to regret your sons having so rich an inheritance of blood. It can only bring tragedy. As for me, it is with a clear conscience that I go to meet my Maker. I wish, when your time finally comes, you could do the same. I wish.

    As for me, I have the satisfaction of knowing that I walked tall and bowed to no man. And I have not travelled this journey alone. Fellow journalists in other branches of the media walked with me: most of them are now dead, imprisoned without trial or exiled in far-off lands. Others walk in the shadow of death that your Presidency has cast on the freedoms for which you once fought so hard. You will never be allowed to forget that my death took place under your watch. As anguished as I know you will be, I also know that you will have no choice but to protect my killers: you will see to it that the guilty one is never convicted. You have no choice. I feel sorry for you, and Shiranthi will have a long time to spend on her knees when next she goes for Confession for it is not just her owns sins which she must confess, but those of her extended family that keeps you in office.

    As for the readers of The Sunday Leader, what can I say but Thank You for supporting our mission. We have espoused unpopular causes, stood up for those too feeble to stand up for themselves, locked horns with the high and mighty so swollen with power that they have forgotten their roots, exposed corruption and the waste of your hard-earned tax rupees, and made sure that whatever the propaganda of the day, you were allowed to hear a contrary view. For this I - and my family - have now paid the price that I have long known I will one day have to pay. I am - and have always been - ready for that. I have done nothing to prevent this outcome: no security, no precautions. I want my murderer to know that I am not a coward like he is, hiding behind human shields while condemning thousands of innocents to death. What am I among so many? It has long been written that my life would be taken, and by whom. All that remains to be written is when.

    That The Sunday Leader will continue fighting the good fight, too, is written. For I did not fight this fight alone. Many more of us have to be - and will be - killed before The Leader is laid to rest. I hope my assassination will be seen not as a defeat of freedom but an inspiration for those who survive to step up their efforts. Indeed, I hope that it will help galvanise forces that will usher in a new era of human liberty in our beloved motherland. I also hope it will open the eyes of your President to the fact that however many are slaughtered in the name of patriotism, the human spirit will endure and flourish. Not all the Rajapakses combined can kill that.

    People often ask me why I take such risks and tell me it is a matter of time before I am bumped off. Of course I know that: it is inevitable. But if we do not speak out now, there will be no one left to speak for those who cannot, whether they be ethnic minorities, the disadvantaged or the persecuted. An example that has inspired me throughout my career in journalism has been that of the German theologian, Martin Niem”ller. In his youth he was an anti-Semite and an admirer of Hitler. As Nazism took hold in Germany, however, he saw Nazism for what it was: it was not just the Jews Hitler sought to extirpate, it was just about anyone with an alternate point of view. Niem”ller spoke out, and for his trouble was incarcerated in the Sachsenhausen and Dachau concentration camps from 1937 to 1945, and very nearly executed. While incarcerated, Niem”ller wrote a poem that, from the first time I read it in my teenage years, stuck hauntingly in my mind:

      First they came for the Jews
      and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew.
      Then they came for the Communists
      and I did not speak out because I was not a Communist.
      Then they came for the trade unionists

      and I did not speak out because I was not a trade unionist.

      Then they came for me

      and there was no one left to speak out for me.


    If you remember nothing else, remember this: The Leader is there for you, be you Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, low-caste, homosexual, dissident or disabled. Its staff will fight on, unbowed and unafraid, with the courage to which you have become accustomed. Do not take that commitment for granted. Let there be no doubt that whatever sacrifices we journalists make, they are not made for our own glory or enrichment: they are made for you. Whether you deserve their sacrifice is another matter. As for me, God knows I tried.

    As We Condemn Hypocrisy Abroad, We Cannot Practise It At Home.


    21 detained for taking part in illegal assembly

    KUALA LUMPUR: Klang MP Charles Santiago, Kota Damansara assemblyman Dr Nasir Hasim and Parti Sosialis Malaysia secretary-general S. Arutchelvan were among 21 people detained by the police for taking part in an illegal assembly in Dataran Merdeka here yesterday.

    Dozens of people had gathered to hold a candlelight vigil for the Palestinian victims in Gaza but were told by the police to disperse.

    The group called themselves the Anti-War Coalition, marched to Dataran Merdeka at 8.25pm.

    Dang Wangi police chief Assistant Commissioner Zulkarnain Abd Rahman said that police would investigate to verify if they had committed any offence during the gathering.

    Saturday, January 10, 2009

    And in Israel...

    ...thousands of Israelis protest against the war in Gaza.

    Why I Want to be Arundhati Roy When I Grow Up

    Arundhati Roy is a writer and activist who has written and spoken eloquently on many issues of globalisation and imperialism all over the world.




    And Noam Chomsky is very succinct:

    Friday, January 9, 2009

    Not Just Children Weeping...

    This is a bit old but nevertheless gives you an idea of what Occupation and violence really means to the people of Palestine.


    The Olive Trees Of Palestine Weep


    By Sonja Karkar

    07 September, 2007

    Women For Palestine

    Universally regarded as the symbol of peace, the olive tree has become the
    object of violence. For more than forty years, Israel has uprooted over one
    million olive trees and hundreds of thousands of fruit trees in Palestine with
    terrible economic and ecological consequences for the Palestinian people.
    Their willful destruction has so threatened Palestinian culture, heritage and
    identity that the olive tree has now become the symbol of Palestinian
    steadfastness because of its own rootedness and ability to survive in a land
    where water is perennially scarce.

    Throughout the centuries, Palestinian farmers have made their living from
    olive cultivation and olive oil production; 80 percent of cultivated land in
    the West Bank and Gaza is planted with olive trees. [1] In the West Bank
    alone, some 100,000 families are dependent on olive sales. [2]Today, the olive
    harvest provides Palestinian farmers with anywhere between 25 to 50 percent of
    their annual income, and as the economic crisis deepens, the harvest provides
    for many their basic means of survival. [3] But despite the hardships, it is
    the festivities and traditions that accompany the weeks of harvesting that
    have held Palestinian communities together and are, in fact, a demonstration
    of their ownership of the land that no occupation can extinguish except by the
    annihilation of Palestinian society itself.

    And that is precisely what Israel has been doing -- through brute force and
    far more insidious ways. Under an old law from the Ottoman era, Israel claims
    as state property, land that has been "abandoned" and left uncultivated for a
    period of four years and this land is then usually allocated to Israeli
    settlers. Of course, the land has not been voluntarily abandoned. Because of
    Israel's closure policy, which imposes the most draconian restrictions on
    movement, Palestinian farmers cannot reach their agricultural lands to tend
    and harvest their crops. Not only are permits required to move about in their
    own homeland, but farmers are forced to use alternative routes which must be
    negotiated on foot or by donkey because about 70 percent of these alternative
    routes -- those connected to main or bypass roads -- have been closed by the
    Israeli army with concrete blocks and ditches. And now a wall is being built
    for "security reasons" which will permanently separate Palestinian families
    from their farmlands, except for the gates that allow access at certain times,
    but more often than not, at the whim of Israeli soldiers who may not even turn
    up to open them. [4] This makes year-round maintenance of farmers' crops
    extremely difficult if not impossible. Hence, the "abandonment" of land that
    Israel uses to justify its land theft.

    Since 1967, the Israeli military and illegal settlers have destroyed more than
    one million olive trees claiming that stone throwers and gunmen hide behind
    them to attack the settlers. [5] This is a specious argument because these
    trees grow deep inside Palestinian territory where no Israeli settler or
    soldier should be in any case. But, Israel is intent on appropriating even the
    last vestiges of land left to the Palestinians and so turns a blind eye to any
    methods used by settlers and soldiers alike to terrorize the farmers away from
    their farms and crops, even if that means razing their land. Farmers are
    constantly under threat of being beaten and shot at, having their water
    supplies contaminated (already scarce because 85 percent of renewable water
    resources go to the settlers and Israel), their olive groves torched and their
    olive trees uprooted. [6]

    On a larger scale, the Israeli military brings in the bulldozers to uproot
    trees in the way of the "security" wall's route and where they impede the
    development of infrastructure necessary to service the illegal settlements.
    Some of these threatened trees are 700 to 1,000 years old and are still
    producing olives. [7] These precious trees are being replaced by roads,
    sewerage electricity, running water and telecommunications networks, Israeli
    military barracks, training areas, industrial estates and factories leading to
    massive despoliation of the environment. If Israel has its way, neither the
    trees nor the Palestinians who have cared for them will survive the barbaric
    ethnic and environmental cleansing of Palestine.

    The irony of it all is that Israel's uprooting of olive trees is contrary to
    the Jewish halakhic principle whose origin is found in the Torah: "Even if you
    are at war with a city ... you must not destroy its trees" (Deut 20:19). Under
    the pretext of "redeeming" the land the Jews claim God gave them and the trees
    they are supposed to preserve, Israel continues to violently expropriate
    Palestinian land. With each uprooted tree, another slab of concrete is put in
    place for the wall and the illegal Jewish settlements -- the landscape
    sculpted and changed beyond all recognition and no longer the sacrosanct place
    that has long given Israel its spurious Biblical justification for
    dispossessing the Palestinians of the land they have nurtured since time
    immemorial.

    The agonizing pain of loss felt by Palestinians for their ravaged land is not
    expressed in the statistics. Only those who have suffered the same cruel
    violations or those who seek to protect and preserve the delicate balance of
    the world's environment can understand what it means for people of the land.
    International law, although on their side, remains ineffective as no world
    government, not even the United Nations, is prepared to pressure Israel to
    stop its illegal collective punishment of the entire Palestinian population.
    Today, there are campaigns all around the world to end the uprooting of trees
    in Palestine and to replant those which have already been uprooted. And each
    year, when the Palestinian olive harvest approaches, international volunteers
    join Palestinians to provide some human protection from the acts of violence
    visited on Palestinian farmers by Israeli settlers and soldiers who want to
    stop the harvesting of crops. These wonderful acts of solidarity help to heal
    the land, but they cannot heal the pain of those who have to watch the
    uprooting of age-old olive trees, the desecration of their land and their
    millennia-old heritage. Such heartbreaking reality has led the Palestinian
    poet, Mahmoud Darwish, to say, "If the olive trees knew the hands that planted
    them, their oil would have become tears ..."

    Endnotes

    [1] UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affiars, "The Olive Harvest
    in the West Bank and Gaza," October 2006.

    [2] Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ), "Olive Harvest in
    Palestine. Another Season, Another Anguish," November 2004.

    [3] Canaan Fair Trade, www.olivecoop.com/Canaan.html.

    [4] OXFAM, "Forgotten Villages: Struggling to survive under closure in the
    West Bank," September 2002, p. 21.

    [5] ARIJ, "Olive Harvest in Palestine. Another Season, Another Anguish,"
    November 2004.

    [6] UN Report of the Special Committee to investigate Israeli Practices
    affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and other Arabs of the
    Occupied Territories, No. 40, September 2005.

    [7] Atyaf Alwazir, "Uprooting Olive trees in Palestine," Inventory of Conflict
    and Environment
    (ICE), Case Number: 110, American University, November 2002.

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    For those who do not understand the background to the Palestinian issue, here is a long but excellent article explaining the history of it by Prof Avi Shlaim, Oxford University Professor of International Relations.

    Some excerpts:

    "The only way to make sense of Israel's senseless war in Gaza is through understanding the historical context. Establishing the state of Israel in May 1948 involved a monumental injustice to the Palestinians. British officials bitterly resented American partisanship on behalf of the infant state. On 2 June 1948, Sir John Troutbeck wrote to the foreign secretary, Ernest Bevin, that the Americans were responsible for the creation of a gangster state headed by "an utterly unscrupulous set of leaders". I used to think that this judgment was too harsh but Israel's vicious assault on the people of Gaza, and the Bush administration's complicity in this assault, have reopened the question.

    "To use the Biblical phrase, Israel turned the people of Gaza into the hewers of wood and the drawers of water, into a source of cheap labour and a captive market for Israeli goods. The development of local industry was actively impeded so as to make it impossible for the Palestinians to end their subordination to Israel and to establish the economic underpinnings essential for real political independence.

    "Gaza is a classic case of colonial exploitation in the post-colonial era. Jewish settlements in occupied territories are immoral, illegal and an insurmountable obstacle to peace. They are at once the instrument of exploitation and the symbol of the hated occupation. In Gaza, the Jewish settlers numbered only 8,000 in 2005 compared with 1.4 million local residents. Yet the settlers controlled 25% of the territory, 40% of the arable land and the lion's share of the scarce water resources."

    Those of you who would like to do something, please do read this call by Avaaz.org to sign a petition calling for a ceasefire in Gaza and then to find a non-military solution to the conflict.

    Dear friends,

    The bloodshed in Gaza is escalating -- the death toll now stands at over 600 people and rising, almost half of them civilians and over 100 children dead.[1] As Israeli tanks, airplanes and artillery bombard thickly populated urban areas, hitting UN schools yesterday, thousands more have been injured and 1.5 million terrified civilians have no escape from this prison-like enclave -- the borders have been sealed. Hamas continues to fight and fire rockets deep into Israel: 11 Israelis have died, including from friendly fire.

    Our worldwide call for an internationally-guaranteed ceasefire to protect civilians on all sides has begun to ring out loud and clear, winning the support of leaders in Europe, the Middle East and beyond: hopeful outlines of a deal are emerging.[2] But Israel is rejecting a truce for now and escalating its offensive, while US President Bush is blocking a negotiated UN ceasefire, trying instead to impose a skewed alternative that could legitimize Israel's suffocating isolation of Gaza.[3]

    Enough is enough: these civilian deaths can't go on, and we can't let Bush and co block a fair, negotiated ceasefire. 250,000 of us have signed the ceasefire petition, let's make it half a million -- we'll publish it in a hard-hitting ad in the Washington Post and deliver it in meetings with UN Security Council members -- follow the link below to see the ad, sign the petition, and forward this message to all your friends and family:

    http://www.avaaz.org/en/gaza_time_for_peace/98.php?cl_tf_sign=1

    Our efforts really can make a difference -- Israel's own foreign minister admits that international pressure, if intense enough, could ensure a ceasefire. As the international community debates and delays, civilians are dying by the day. The top UN official in Gaza says, "There's nowhere safe in Gaza. Everyone here is terrorized and traumatized." Opposing a United Nations resolution, Bush reportedly proposes to exclude Hamas from any ceasefire deal and leave Israel a free hand, something that would guarantee that the violence continues. That's why we're targeting incoming President Obama and US decision-makers, as well as the European Union and other international leaders, to pursue a fair and stable resolution.

    To be lasting, a ceasefire must protect civilians and end all attacks -- Israeli bombings and incursions as well as the rockets Palestinian factions fire into southern Israel. International supervision is desperately needed at the borders, to reopen Gaza's borders and crossings for food, fuel, medicine and goods, to prevent weapon-smuggling which has only grown under the blockade, and to monitor and enforce the ceasefire on both sides.[4]

    Hamas, which won elections in 2006 and now runs Gaza, suggests it will agree to such a ceasefire.[5] It should be challenged to live up to its word just like Israel. There is no military solution for either side -- it's time for world powers to step in, advancing a fair deal to protect civilians on all sides and let them live their lives in peace and security. Sign the petition now at the link below and send this message to everyone you know -- we'll publish it in The Washington Post and elsewhere, and seek face-to-face meetings to deliver the petition with the Obama team, the UN Security Council and European leaders:

    http://www.avaaz.org/en/gaza_time_for_peace/98.php?cl_tf_sign=1

    With hope and determination,

    Paul, Graziela, Ricken, Luis, Alice, Brett, Ben, Iain, Paula, Veronique, Milena and the whole Avaaz team

    P.S. We wrote to European, US and Arab leaders last week about our campaign, and received several responses -- now we need to escalate the pressure. For a report on many of Avaaz's other campaigns so far, see: https://secure.avaaz.org/en/report_back_2

    Sources:

    1. Associated Press: "Israel Shells Near UN School, killing at least 30" (5 January 2009)
    http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5ioi_0jtO9RjMwPNRoXNCndRPRq3gD95HTJE00

    2. "Gaza: outlines of an endgame", Ghassan Khatib (6 January 2009)
    http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/gaza-outlines-of-an-endgame

    Al-Jazeera: "Arab ministers hold UN ceasefire talks" (6 January 2009):
    http://english.aljazeera.net/news/americas/2009/01/20091522052418539.html

    Associated Press: "Diplomats seek truce as civilian toll rises" (5 January 2009):
    http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5ioi_0jtO9RjMwPNRoXNCndRPRq3gD95HCD4G3

    3. Israel Today: "Israel rejects European, UN efforts for immediate ceasefire" (5 January 2009):
    http://www.israeltoday.co.il/default.aspx?tabid=178&nid=17938

    Yediot Aharonot: "Israel examining international treaty to isolate Hamas" (5 January 2009)
    http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3650522,00.html

    4. These parameters are advocated by a broad range of experts and policymakers. See for example International Crisis Group's Ending the War in Gaza report (5 January 2009):
    http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5838&l=1

    5. Reuters: "Hamas seeks truce but says lifting siege a must" (5 January 2009) http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L5111105.htm

    Strikingly, the US Army War College has just released a substantial report supporting the view that Hamas can and must be brought into negotiations and is capable of sustaining a long-term truce, or even peace with Israel. Linked via:
    http://ricks.foreignpolicy.com/node/10703

    The inside story of the civil strife between Fatah and Hamas and the Bush administration's involvement in this debacle is best-told in The Gaza Bombshell, an investigative article published in the leading US magazine Vanity Fair in April 2008:
    http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/04/gaza200804

    This news item from November 2008 provides more background to the story of how the Israel-Hamas truce collapsed:
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/05/israelandthepalestinians



    Thursday, January 8, 2009

    A Brief Respite...some Good News

    Folks, sometimes there is good news. Guess you all have heard that Sime Darby has decided not to pursue buying 51% of IJN. Woo hoo! Of course, this doesn't mean that IJN isn't still up for sale and someone else won't want to buy it. But given the public relations fallout from this episode, I hope at least anyone even musing about it will think twice if not more.

    At the moment, poor patients need not suffer if they cannot afford treatment at IJN because the IJN Foundation will take care of their needs. As an example, on New Year's Day, I received a sad phone call from Tee Hui Yi, the heart transplant girl to say that her father Tee Ah Soon had been laid off due to the economic downturn. One of their worries is that it will be difficult for her to go to IJN for her follow-ups. But I checked with IJN and they can cover her transport costs so that's not a problem.

    (But if anyone can offer Mr. Tee a job, especially in the Batu Pahat area, do let me know via the comment box. Previously he was working as a supervisor in construction work.)

    The new wing at IJN, when it opens in the middle of this year, will allow the doctors there to cater to more patients, thus cutting down waiting time. There will be more operating theatres, and more ICUs. There will also be rooms for parents of young patients to stay in; at the moment, you can see so many people sleeping in the lobby on any given night.

    But for the moment, I am happy that this ludicrous plan to privatise IJN has been shelved. Hopefully it will never be resurrected.

    The other news I am happy about is the elections in Bangladesh which went smoothly and safely and according to the monitors, fairly. The new Prime Minister is Sheikh Hasina but interestingly enough, they also have the most ever number of female Ministers in their Cabinet including the Foreign Minister, Dr. Dipu Moni. Also importantly, the religious right were routed and fewer of them were elected than ever before, signalling a rejection of mixing religion with politics. So, congratulations to Bangladesh!

    BTW I've been meaning to write a travelogue on my trip to Hanoi but seeing what is happening in Gaza, I've not had the heart to write about it yet. But will get round to it one of these days.

    By the way also, to those who've had trouble finding my book 50 Days, it should be appearing in the bookstores soon. It's definitely in Kinokuniya and MPH at The Curve and Bangsar Village 2, and Pustaka Bangsar in Lucky Gardens. Times should also stock it soon.

    Thanks, folks!

    Tuesday, January 6, 2009

    CNN Confirms that Israel Broke the Ceasefire First

    Public Forum on Occupied Palestine



    Malaysian Bar Council
    ____________________________________

    No. 13, 15 & 17, Leboh Pasar Besar, 50050 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
    donE-mail: council@malaysianbar.org.my
    Website: http://www.malaysianbar.org.my


    Circular No: 003/2009

    Public Forum: "Not Just Another War: Myth and Reality in Occupied Palestine"

    The ferocious Israeli assault on the Gaza has led to the loss of hundreds of lives and a huge humanitarian crisis. It has brought once again to the limelight the unresolved conflict in the occupied territories.

    In order to understand any issue, a knowledge of its origin and background is vital. While the Palestinian conflict has been given much coverage, not enough has been said about the real underlying issues: What is the nature of the conflict? Who are the interested parties in the Palestinian question? What are the pitfalls of the countless solutions coming out from Arab and Western capitals? Why has the continued killings of Palestinians generated so much passion among the Arab masses but only statements of regret from their governments?

    The Public Forum "Not Just Another War: Myth and Reality in Occupied Palestine" organised jointly by the Bar Council, the Malaysian Social Research Institute and the Cakap-Rakyat Group will take place as follows:

    Date :

    9 January 2009 (Friday)

    Time :

    8.00 pm – 10.00 pm

    Venue :

    Bar Council Auditorium

    Speakers:

    Dr. Rosli Omar

    Hishamuddin Rais

    Dr. Farish Noor

    Professor Gurdial Singh Nijar

    Attend this Public Forum to gain a better understanding on an issue which has to be resolved if there is to be lasting peace in the Middle East.

    In order to register or make enquiries please contact Ms. Mazni at 20313003 X 101 or mazni@malaysianbar.org.my

    This Forum will be followed by a 15-minute candlelight vigil at the front of the Bar Council building.

    Thank you.

    Dated this 6 January 2009

    Amer Hamzah

    Deputy Chairperson

    Human Rights Committee

    Ah so...is it peace or punishment?

    Why Israel Went to War in Gaza

    'Are you a target if you voted for Hamas?' Last night Israel sent its ground forces across the border into Gaza as it escalated its brutal assault on Hamas. As a large-scale invasion of the Palestinian territory appears to be getting under way, Chris McGreal reports from Jerusalem on Israel's hidden strategy to persuade the world of the justice of its cause in its battle with a bitter ideological foe.

    Chris McGreal, The Observer, Sunday January 4, 2009

    It is a war on two fronts. Months ago, as Israel prepared to unleash its latest wave of desolation against Gaza, it recognised that blasting Hamas and "the infrastructure of terror", which includes police stations, homes and mosques, was a straightforward task.

    Israel also understood that a parallel operation would be required to persuade the rest of the world of the justice of its cause, even as the bodies of Palestinian women and children filled the mortuaries, and to ensure that its war was seen not in terms of occupation but of the west's struggle against terror and confrontation with Iran.

    After the debacle of its 2006 invasion of Lebanon - not only a military disaster for Israel, but also a political and diplomatic one - the government in Jerusalem spent months laying the groundwork at home and abroad for the assault on Gaza with quiet but energetic lobbying of foreign administrations and diplomats, particularly in Europe and parts of the Arab world.

    A new information directorate was established to influence the media, with some success. And when the attack began just over a week ago, a tide of diplomats, lobby groups, bloggers and other supporters of Israel were unleashed to hammer home a handful of carefully crafted core messages intended to ensure that Israel was seen as the victim, even as its bombardment killed more than 430 Palestinians over the past week, at least a third of them civilians or policemen.

    The unrelenting attack on Gaza, with an air strike every 20 minutes on average, has not stopped Hamas firing rockets that have killed four Israelis since the assault began, reaching deeper into the Jewish state than ever before and sending tens of thousands of people fleeing. Last night Israel escalated its action further, as its troops poured across Gaza's border, part of what appeared to be a significant ground invasion. And a diplomatic operation is already in full swing to justify the further cost in innocent lives that would almost certainly result.

    Dan Gillerman, Israel's ambassador to the UN until a few months ago, was brought in by the Foreign Ministry to help lead the diplomatic and PR campaign. He said that the diplomatic and political groundwork has been under way for months.

    "This was something that was planned long ahead," he said. "I was recruited by the foreign minister to coordinate Israel's efforts and I have never seen all parts of a very complex machinery - whether it is the Foreign Ministry, the Defence Ministry, the prime minister's office, the police or the army - work in such co-ordination, being effective in sending out the message."

    In briefings in Jerusalem and London, Brussels and New York, the same core messages were repeated: that Israel had no choice but to attack in response to the barrage of Hamas rockets; that the coming attack would be on "the infrastructure of terror" in Gaza and the targets principally Hamas fighters; that civilians would die, but it was because Hamas hides its fighters and weapons factories among ordinary people.

    Hand in hand went a strategy to remove the issue of occupation from discussion. Gaza was freed in 2005 when the Jewish settlers and army were pulled out, the Israelis said. It could have flourished as the basis of a Palestinian state, but its inhabitants chose conflict.

    Israel portrayed Hamas as part of an axis of Islamist fundamentalist evil with Iran and Hezbollah. Its actions, the Israelis said, are nothing to do with continued occupation of the West Bank, the blockade of Gaza or the Israeli military's continued killing of large numbers of Palestinians since the pullout. "Israel is part of the free world and fights extremism and terrorism. Hamas is not," the foreign minister and Kadima party leader, Tzipi Livni, said on arriving in France as part of the diplomatic offensive last week.

    Earlier in the week Livni deployed the "with us or against us" rhetoric of George W Bush's war on terror. "These are the days when every individual in the region and in the world has to choose a side. And the sides have changed. No longer is it Israel on one side and the Arab world on the other," she said. "Israel chose its side the day it was established; the Jewish people chose its side during its thousands of years of existence; and the prayer for peace is the voice sounded in the synagogues."

    It was a message pumped home with receptive Arab governments, such as Egypt and Jordan, which view Hamas with hostility. "Large parts of the Muslim and Arab world realise that Hamas represents a greater danger to them even than it does to Israel. Its extremism, its fundamentalism, is a great danger to them as well," said Gillerman. "We've seen the effect of that in numerous responses, in the public statements made by [Egypt's] President Mubarak and even by [Palestinian president] Mahmoud Abbas and other Arabs. This is totally unprecedented."

    Indeed, the Egyptian Foreign Minister, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, said his government knew exactly what was coming: "The signs that Israel was determined to strike Hamas in Gaza for the past three months were clear. They practically wrote it in the sky. Unfortunately they [Hamas] served Israel the opportunity on a golden platter."

    Also crucial was what was not said. Just a few months ago Livni was talking of wiping out Hamas, but that would be unpalatable to much of the outside world as a justification for the assault. So now the talk is of pressing Gaza's government to agree to a new ceasefire. Occasionally someone has got off-message. A couple of days into the assault on Gaza, Israel's ambassador to the UN, Gabriela Shalev, said it would continue for "as long as it takes to dismantle Hamas completely". Infuriated Israeli officials in Jerusalem warned her that such statements could set back the diplomatic offensive.

    In the first hours of the attack, Israel repeated the same messages to the wider world. Livni and the Labour defence minister, Ehud Barak, were widely quoted on international TV. The government's national information directorate sought to focus foreign media attention on the 8,500 rockets fired from Gaza into Israel over the past eight years and the 20 civilians they have killed, rather than the punishing blockade of Gaza and the 1,700 Palestinians killed in Israeli military attacks since Jewish settlers were pulled out of Gaza three years ago.

    Lobby groups, such as the British Israel Communications and Research Centre (Bicom) in London and the Israel Project in America, were mobilised. They arranged briefings, conference calls and interviews. The Israeli military posted video footage on YouTube. Israeli diplomats in New York arranged a two-hour "citizens' press conference" on Twitter for thousands of people. At the same time, Israel in effect barred foreign journalists from witnessing the results of its strategy.

    Livni has suggested that Israel's assault is good for the Palestinians by helping to free them from the grip of Hamas. "She's basically trying to convince me that they're doing this for my own good," said Diana Buttu, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation's legal counsel and negotiator with the Israelis over the 2005 pullout from Gaza. "I've had some Israeli friends reiterate the same thing: 'You should be happy that we're rooting out Hamas. They're a problem for you, too.' I don't need her to tell me what's good for me and what's bad for me, and I don't think carrying out a massacre is good for anybody."

    And when the killing started, Israel claimed that the overwhelming majority of the 400-plus killed were Hamas fighters and the buildings destroyed part of the infrastructure of terror. But about a third of the dead were policemen. Although the police force in Gaza is run by Hamas, Buttu said Israel is misrepresenting it as a terrorist organisation.

    "The police force is largely used for internal law and order, traffic, the drug trade. They weren't fighters. They hit them at a graduation ceremony. Israel wants to kill anyone associated with Hamas, but where does it stop? Are you a legitimate target if you work in the civil service? Are you a legitimate target if you voted for Hamas?" she said.

    Similarly, while Israel accuses Hamas of risking civilian lives by hiding the infrastructure of terror in ordinary neighbourhoods, many of the Israeli missile targets are police stations and other public buildings that are unlikely to be built anywhere else.

    Israel argues that Hamas abandoned the June ceasefire that Jerusalem was prepared to continue. "Israel is the first one who wants the violence to end. We were not looking for this. There was no other option. The truce was violated by Hamas," said Livni.

    However, others say that the truce was thrown into jeopardy in November when the Israeli military killed six Hamas gunmen in a raid on Gaza. The Palestinians noted that it was election day in the US, so most of the rest of the world did not notice what happened. Hamas responded by firing a wave of rockets into Israel. Six more Palestinians died in two other Israeli attacks in the following week.

    "They were assaulting Gaza militarily, by sea and by air, all through the ceasefire," said Buttu. Neither did the killing of Palestinians stop. In the nearly three years since Hamas came to power, and before the latest assault on Gaza, Israel forces had killed about 1,300 people in Gaza and the West Bank. While a significant number of them were Hamas activists - and while hundreds of Palestinians have been killed by other Palestinians in fighting between Hamas and Fatah - there has been a disturbing number of civilian deaths.

    The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights says that one in four of the victims is aged under 18. Between June 2007 and June 2008, Israeli attacks killed 68 Palestinian children and young people in Gaza. Another dozen were killed in the West Bank.

    In February, an Israeli missile killed four boys, aged eight to 14, playing football in the street in Jabalia. In April, Meyasar Abu-Me'tiq and her four children, aged one to five years old, were killed when an Israeli missile hit their house as they were having breakfast. Even during the ceasefire, Israel killed 22 people in Gaza, including two children and a woman.

    Perhaps crucial to the ceasefire's collapse were the differing views of what it was supposed to achieve. Israel regarded the truce as calm in return for calm. Hamas expected Israel to lift the blockade of Gaza that the latter said was a security response to the firing of Qassam rockets.

    But Israel did not end the siege that was wrecking the economy and causing desperate shortages of food, fuel and medicine. Gazans concluded that the blockade was not so much about rocket attacks as punishment for voting for Hamas.

    Central to the Israeli message has been that, when it pulled out its military and Jewish settlers three years ago, Gaza was offered the opportunity to prosper. "In order to create a vision of hope, we took out our forces and settlements, but instead of Gaza being the beginning of a Palestinian state, Hamas established an extreme Islamic rule," said Livni. Israeli officials argue that Hamas, and by extension the people who elected it, was more interested in hating and killing Jews than building a country.

    Palestinians see it differently. Buttu says that from the day the Israelis withdrew from Gaza, they set about ensuring that it would fail economically. "When the Israelis pulled out, we expected that the Palestinians in Gaza would at least be able to lead some sort of free life. We expected that the crossing points would be open. We didn't expect that we would have to beg to allow food in," she said.

    Buttu notes that even before Hamas was elected three years ago, the Israelis were already blockading Gaza. The Palestinians had to appeal to US secretary of state Condoleezza Rice and James Wolfensohn, the president of the World Bank, to pressure Israel to allow even a few score of trucks into Gaza each day. Israel agreed, then reneged. "This was before Hamas won the election. The whole Israeli claim is one big myth. If there wasn't already a closure policy, why did we need Rice and Wolfensohn to try to broker an agreement?" asked Buttu.

    Yossi Alpher, a former official in the Mossad intelligence service and an ex-adviser on peace negotiations to the then prime minister, Ehud Barak, said the blockade of Gaza is a failed strategy that might have strengthened Hamas. "I don't think anyone can produce clear evidence that the blockade has been counterproductive, but it certainly hasn't been productive. It's very possible it's been counterproductive. It's collective punishment, humanitarian suffering. It has not caused Palestinians in Gaza to behave the way we want them to, so why do it?" he said. "I think people really believed that, if you starved Gazans, they will get Hamas to stop the attacks. It's repeating a failed policy, mindlessly."

    • This article was amended on Monday 5 January 2009. We referred to the Israeli government being based in Tel Aviv when it is based in Jerusalem. This has been corrected.

    Another interesting read from The Guardian: Simon Tisdall: Barack Obama's silence on Gaza is damaging his reputation


    Sunday, January 4, 2009

    Palestinians are Not Just Muslims

    In case there are still people who believe that the Palestinian issue is about religion and not land, here's a video about Palestinian Christians living in Bethlehem.

    Saturday, January 3, 2009

    A Voice from Israel

    How we like our leaders
    By Amira Hass

    Haaretz

    This isn't the time to speak of ethics, but of precise intelligence. Whoever
    gave the instructions to send 100 of our planes, piloted by the best of our
    boys, to bomb and strafe enemy targets in Gaza is familiar with the many
    schools adjacent to those targets - especially police stations. He also knew
    that at exactly 11:30 A.M. on Saturday, during the surprise assault on the
    enemy, all the children of the Strip would be in the streets - half just
    having finished the morning shift at school, the others en route to the
    afternoon shift.

    This is not the time to speak of proportional responses, not even of the
    polls that promise a greater share of Knesset seats to the mission's
    architects. This is, however, the time to speak of the voters' belief the
    operation will succeed, that the strikes are precise and the targets
    justified.

    Take, for example, Imad Aqel Mosque in Jabalya refugee camp, bombed and
    strafed shortly before midnight on Sunday. These are the names of the
    glorious military victory we achieved there - Jawaher, age 4; Dina, age 8;
    Sahar, age 12; Ikram, age 14; and Tahrir, age 17, all sisters of the
    Ba'lousha family, all killed in a "precise" strike on the mosque. Another
    three sisters, a 2-year-old brother and their parents were injured.
    Twenty-four neighbors were wounded and five homes and three stores
    destroyed. This part of the military victory did not open our television or
    radio news broadcasts yesterday morning, nor did they appear on many Israeli
    news Web sites.

    This is the time to speak about the detailed maps in the hands of IDF
    commanders, and about the Shin Bet advisers who know the exact distance
    between the mosque and nearby homes. This is the time to discuss the drone
    planes and the hot air balloons fitted with advanced cameras floating over
    the Strip day and night, filming everything.

    This is the time to rely on legal advisers studying the operation to find
    the right phrasing to justify "collateral damage." Time to praise Foreign
    Ministry spokespeople who in their polished language, with their elegant
    South African or charmant Parisien accents, say it is the fault of Hamas,
    which uses neighborhood mosques for its own purposes.

    Talk of double standards has always been moot. Maybe there was a huge
    weapons store in the mosque. Maybe Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades militants met
    there every night and from there planned to launch their upgraded fighter
    jets.

    Where does the IDF Chief of Staff sit when he draws up war plans? Not in the
    Sahara, or even in the Negev. What would happen if someone blew themselves
    up at the entrance to Tel Aviv's Cinematheque movie theater, and those who
    sent him said sorry, but he was headed for the Defense Ministry down the
    street?

    This is not the time to recall long-forgotten history lessons to say this is
    not the way to topple a government. Nor is it the time to make rational
    recommendations for balanced statesmanship. The time for such things has
    passed, along with the New Order we once arrogantly tried to establish in
    Lebanon, which only brought us Hezbollah. Along with the Orientalists' plans
    to reduce the popularity of the PLO, which only paved the way for the
    emergence of a militant Islamic nationalist movement.

    The time of such recommendations has passed, along with the grab of
    Palestinian lands and hyperactive construction of settlements in the Oslo
    era, which only laid the cornerstone for the second intifada and the fall of
    Fatah.

    The era of reason and judgment died long ago, even before the targeted
    assassinations of Fatah activists in the West Bank, which soon turned into
    shooting attacks on soldiers and the emergence of another few thousand young
    people taking up arms, not to mention the phenomenon of suicide bombers.

    It is never the right time to say "we told you so," because once it is
    possible to say those words, they are already invalid. We cannot revive the
    dead, nor repair the damage caused by arrogance and megalomania.

    This is the time to speak of our own satisfaction and enjoyment.
    Satisfaction from tanks once again raising and lowering their barrels in
    preparation for a ground attack, satisfaction from our leaders' threatening
    finger-waving at the enemy. That's how we like our leaders - calling up
    reservists, sending pilots to bomb our enemies and manifesting national
    unity, from Baruch Marzel to Tzipi Livni, Netanyahu to Barak to Lieberman.

    Ends.

    In case anyone doesn't know, Haaretz is Israel's oldest and most influential newspaper.

    Friday, January 2, 2009

    In the violence, the children suffer...

    This report is from the New York Times, a paper normally sympathetic to the Israelis.


    January 1, 2009

    In Dense Gaza, Civilians Suffer

    GAZA — A dentist stood at the bed of a doctor, his good friend Ehab Madhoun, 32, who had just died, his shrapnel-pitted body wrapped in a white shroud.

    The day before, Dr. Madhoun, a general practitioner, was in an ambulance responding to an Israeli strike at the Jabalya refugee camp in northern Gaza. Another missile hit the ambulance. The driver, Muhammad Abu Hasira, died instantly. Dr. Madhoun lingered for a day, dying of his wounds on Wednesday in the intensive care unit of Shifa Hospital, where hundreds of people have been brought since Israel began its heaviest assault on Gaza in three decades.

    The dentist cried.

    “He was just doing his work,” said the dentist, who would not give his name. “He’s a doctor, and I can’t understand why Israel would hit an ambulance. They can tell from the cameras it’s an ambulance.”

    It has always been this way, over years of conflict here, that civilians are killed in the densely populated Gaza Strip when Israel stages military operations it says are essential for its security. But five days of Israeli airstrikes have surpassed past operations in scale and intensity; the long-distance bombardment of the Hamas-controlled territory has, however well aimed at those suspected of being militants, splintered families and shattered homes in one of the most densely populated places on Earth.

    Among the total dead — between 320 and 390, according to the United NationsPalestinian medical officials say that 38 were children and 25 were women. The United Nations agency that helps Palestinian refugees said 25 percent of those killed had been civilians. Israel said it knew of 40 civilian deaths but that it was still checking.

    Israeli officials are coming under increasing pressure to ease conditions for civilians, with tight supplies of electricity, water, food and medicine worsening shortages in an area already largely sealed off from the outside world. While Israel on Wednesday refused a 48-hour cease-fire suggested by the French to allow critical supplies into Gaza, it has been sensitive enough to the ever-louder complaints to say it will do all it can to allow in supplies.

    On the issue of civilian casualties, Israeli officials maintain that they do not take aim at civilians and do everything possible — like using precision-guidance systems, up-to-the minute intelligence, leaflets and phone calls to targeted areas — to avoid hitting them.

    They say killing and wounding civilians only undermines their primary mission: to stop Hamas from firing rockets into civilian areas of Israel.

    “I haven’t seen too many tears shed in Paris, London or Berlin over the fact that we have hit Hamas targets,” said Mark Regev, a spokesman for Israel’s prime minister, Ehud Olmert. “So we have many reasons, both moral and political, for doing the utmost to make sure that our strikes are as surgical as possible.”

    Further complicating matters is that fact that Gaza is the size of Detroit, with one and a half times as many people. The military and government facilities of Hamas are intertwined with buildings where Gaza’s civilian population lives and works. Israelis say Hamas fires rockets at Israel from civilian neighborhoods.

    The United States military has also faced much criticism for killing civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan, despite what officials say is the utmost precaution against doing so.

    In Gaza, human rights groups say that the new scale of Israel’s operation puts the area’s civilians, even those accustomed to conflict, under particular stress. Some of the wounded are afraid to seek treatment at the already overwhelmed hospitals, fearful of heading into a rocket attack while driving through streets of pummeled buildings and concrete shards.

    Large, multigenerational families huddle in their houses, hoarding the shrinking supplies of water, food and gasoline. Despite the cold, many have kept their windows open to prevent them from shattering when bombs explode nearby. Shops are closed except for grocery stores, bakeries and pharmacies.

    Conditions for parents and children in Gaza are dangerous and frightening,” Maxwell Gaylard, United Nations humanitarian coordinator for the Palestinian territories, said in a statement.

    “It is absolutely crucial that there is an end to the fighting,” he said. “Without it, more civilians will continue to be killed. Without the violence stopping, it is extremely difficult to get food to people who need it, we cannot assess where the most urgent needs are.”

    In the debate over civilian casualties, there is no clear understanding of what constitutes a military target. Palestinians argue that because Hamas is also the government in Gaza, many of the police officers who have been killed were civil servants, not hard-core militants. Israel disagrees, asserting also that a university chemistry laboratory, which it claims was used for making rockets, was a fair target in an attack this week, even if it could not show conclusively that those inside the laboratory at the time were engaged in making weapons.

    The ambiguity was evident at the intensive care ward in Shifa Hospital, where Dr. Madhoun’s body lay. There were 11 patients. One was a pharmacist, Rawya Awad, 32, who had a shrapnel wound to the head. Several were police officers. It was impossible to know the identities of many of the others.

    But there were several children in another intensive care unit on Tuesday. Among them was Ismael Hamdan, 8, who had severe brain damage as well as two broken legs, according to a doctor there. Earlier that day, two of his sisters, Lama, 5, and Hayya, 12, were killed.

    “I prepared them breakfast that day in the garden,” said their mother, Ayda, 36. “They had the tea, bread and thyme. Lama wanted a second pita, but we all teased her saying, ‘Keep it for lunch.’ She told us, ‘Don’t worry, God will provide us with bread.’

    “She made all of us laugh,” the mother said. “I cleaned after them and collected the garbage. Ismael volunteered to dump the garbage, but Hayya and Lama joined him. The garbage can is in front of the house, a five-minute walk away. All of a sudden I heard the news from a neighbor, and I ran barefoot to the hospital. A relative collected the bodies of Lama and Hayya on a donkey cart.

    “The neighbors ran trying to save Ismael, who was the only one breathing,” she said. “They say my kids flew 40 meters before hitting the ground.”

    Ismael died Wednesday night.

    At Kamal Edwan Hospital in Beit Lahiya, in northern Gaza, Mahmoud al-Sheik, 11, was recovering from wounds he received two days before — he thinks from a rocket fired by an Israeli warplane. Even at his age, he is aware of how fighters and civilians are mixed together in Gaza, saying that the bomb was aimed at the house of his neighbor, Salim Zaqout, whom he identified as a member of Hamas.

    “But Zaqout and his family evacuated the house a few days ago,” Mahmoud said. “Can’t Israel see all these houses that are adjacent to Zaqout’s? Now Zaqout’s house is completely destroyed, but so are other houses that have nothing to do with Hamas.

    “I have a big hole in my left hand. The doctor told me I’m fine. He filled the hole,” Mahmoud said, “but it’s hurting. It feels like fire inside it.”

    Marc Santora contributed reporting from the United Nations.

    Thursday, January 1, 2009

    Happy New Year 2009


    Hi folks, am a bit late with my greetings this time but let's just say that 2009 is proving to be challenging...and it's still only January 1. But as an eternal optimist, let me wish you all a year ahead that is full of promise and hope, that lets you find the strength to meet all challenges, the courage to stand up to injustice wherever you may find it and the humour to laugh when things don't quite work out the way they should. Also, that you may all enjoy good health, without which almost everything is difficult to do.

    Thank you for visiting my blog this past year. I look forward to continuing this dialogue with you for many years ahead.